,” controlling vast tracts of seemingly idle land (through their TCOs and TIOCs) while they themselves have little.

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Many have migrated to the eastern lowlands and settled on the fringes of protected areas, clashing with indigenous groups who regard these territories as their ancestral lands.

A case in point is the ongoing TIPNIS highway controversy, fueled in large part by a conflict over land.

For Rojas, such measures suggest “not only [that] the process of agricultural transformation [has] stalled, but that there is the risk of it being reversed.” In any case, they will serve to intensify the current conflict between highland and lowland indigenous groups over Bolivia’s land policy.

A law proposed by the national peasant organizations would legitimize illegal settlements in protected areas such as the TIPNIS, allow the reversion of indigenous lands, and permit private ownership of redistributed state lands—confirming the worst fears of lowland indigenous groups.

Still, the pace of land titling has fallen short of legal requirements and popular expectations.

The amount of land regularized to date represents only 60% of the total 262 million acres in Bolivia that is legally required to be titled by October 2013.

According to the NGO Fundación Tierra, much of the 11.6 million acres of state land that could be made available for redistribution is compromised and not suitable for productive use.

Still, vast tracts of desirable agricultural land in the eastern lowlands continue to be held by agrobusiness and ranching elites (including many foreigners)—dating back to the 1970s, when military dictators awarded patronage land grants to their political cronies to promote export agriculture.

The remaining 7% of titled land is owned by large and medium-sized owners.

Of the 290,000 land titles issued, more than 90% have been issued under Morales.

Growing pressures for land redistribution and conflicts between social sectors over land have posed major challenges for the Morales government.